gun laws

  • Virginia Prosecutors in Four Counties Say They Won’t Bring Charges Under New “Assault Weapons” Ban

    Virginia Prosecutors in Four Counties Say They Won’t Bring Charges Under New “Assault Weapons” Ban

    Several elected Commonwealth’s Attorneys in Virginia are publicly signaling they do not intend to pursue criminal cases under the state’s new “assault weapons” restrictions once the measures begin. Their announcements come ahead of the July 1, 2026 effective date for the legislation.

    The prosecutors involved represent at least four counties: Spotsylvania, Powhatan, Pulaski, and Smyth. Each has stated that their offices will decline to prosecute alleged violations tied to the new ban, framing the decision as an exercise of prosecutorial discretion rather than a lack of awareness about what the new statutes will require.

    The laws at the center of the dispute are SB 749 and HB 217. According to the prosecutors’ statements, they expect that when these laws take effect, charges submitted under those provisions will be rejected by their offices, meaning cases would not move forward in their jurisdictions based on those statutes alone.

    In explaining their position, the prosecutors have pointed to what they describe as the superior authority of the Second Amendment. They argue that constitutional protections for keeping and bearing arms outweigh the state’s new restrictions, and they cite that belief as a central reason for refusing to file or pursue prosecutions under the coming ban.

    This emerging standoff sets up a significant conflict inside Virginia’s criminal-justice system, as enforcement of a statewide firearms policy may vary depending on local prosecutorial decisions. With the start date of July 1, 2026 approaching, the gap between state lawmakers’ intent and local prosecutors’ willingness to enforce the ban is becoming a major point of contention.

  • Virginia Prosecutors in Four Counties Say They Won’t Bring Charges Under New “Assault Weapons” Ban

    Virginia Prosecutors in Four Counties Say They Won’t Bring Charges Under New “Assault Weapons” Ban

    Several elected Commonwealth’s Attorneys in Virginia are publicly signaling they do not intend to pursue criminal cases under the state’s new “assault weapons” restrictions once the measures begin. Their announcements come ahead of the July 1, 2026 effective date for the legislation.

    The prosecutors involved represent at least four counties: Spotsylvania, Powhatan, Pulaski, and Smyth. Each has stated that their offices will decline to prosecute alleged violations tied to the new ban, framing the decision as an exercise of prosecutorial discretion rather than a lack of awareness about what the new statutes will require.

    The laws at the center of the dispute are SB 749 and HB 217. According to the prosecutors’ statements, they expect that when these laws take effect, charges submitted under those provisions will be rejected by their offices, meaning cases would not move forward in their jurisdictions based on those statutes alone.

    In explaining their position, the prosecutors have pointed to what they describe as the superior authority of the Second Amendment. They argue that constitutional protections for keeping and bearing arms outweigh the state’s new restrictions, and they cite that belief as a central reason for refusing to file or pursue prosecutions under the coming ban.

    This emerging standoff sets up a significant conflict inside Virginia’s criminal-justice system, as enforcement of a statewide firearms policy may vary depending on local prosecutorial decisions. With the start date of July 1, 2026 approaching, the gap between state lawmakers’ intent and local prosecutors’ willingness to enforce the ban is becoming a major point of contention.

  • Virginia Enacts “Assault Weapon” and Magazine Limits, Shifting the Fight to the Courts

    Virginia Enacts “Assault Weapon” and Magazine Limits, Shifting the Fight to the Courts

    Virginia’s debate over restricting certain firearms and ammunition magazines has moved into a new phase. After a prolonged period of uncertainty, the proposals targeting so-called “assault weapons” and magazines are no longer merely pending ideas. They are now part of state law, closing out the immediate legislative contest.

    With enactment complete, the next arena is the judiciary. The push to reverse these new limits is expected to take shape through lawsuits aimed at invalidating the bans. In other words, the political process has produced an outcome, and opponents are now preparing to challenge that outcome through legal claims.

    From a conservative and libertarian standpoint, this transition matters because it changes what success looks like. Instead of persuading lawmakers or the governor, critics must now convince judges that the restrictions cannot stand under the relevant constitutional standards that govern firearms regulations.

    The road ahead will likely be defined by procedural choices as much as headline issues: who brings the case, where it is filed, and what immediate relief is requested. The initial legal actions will shape the pace and direction of the broader effort to roll back the newly enacted hardware and magazine rules.

    For supporters of robust Second Amendment protections, the immediate takeaway is straightforward: the policy fight has ended for now, but the contest over rights and limits is only beginning. The practical path forward runs through litigation intended to undo Virginia’s “assault weapon” and magazine bans now that they have become law.

  • Tennessee’s New Law on Using Deadly Force to Protect Property

    Tennessee’s New Law on Using Deadly Force to Protect Property

    NASHVILLE, TN — Tennessee lawmakers are moving a major change in self-defense law toward the governor’s desk, and it’s already reshaping how people think about property crimes like burglary, robbery, and arson.

    As the bill heads for final approval, the practical question isn’t just “Can you use deadly force to protect property?” It’s what the legislation actually adds to existing Tennessee law—and how police and prosecutors are likely to treat a real-world call where someone says they shot to stop a property crime.

    What the bill changes is the set of situations where deadly force can be legally justified. Traditionally, self-defense rules in most states—including Tennessee’s general approach—follow proportionality: lethal force is usually reserved for moments when a person reasonably believes they face imminent death or serious bodily injury. Under that standard, a gun can’t lawfully be used as a tool to settle a minor physical confrontation or to stop a theft when the threat is only to belongings.

    This legislation pushes Tennessee away from that narrow framework by expanding when lethal force may be justified during certain property-related felonies. In effect, it widens the state’s Castle Doctrine concept—commonly understood as the right to defend the home—so that certain property-crime scenarios are treated more like home-defense situations than like ordinary theft or trespass.

    Supporters say the change is meant for law-abiding residents who feel current rules force them to pause while criminals damage or take things they’ve spent years building. During the floor debate, Republican state Rep. Kip Capley argued that, under the current legal expectations, people are effectively told to hold back while someone breaks in, steals, or destroys their property.

    Opponents argue the shift is a step in the wrong direction because it risks elevating property to the level of human life in legal decision-making. Democratic state Rep. Justin Pearson framed the concern in moral and practical terms, saying people are taught not to kill over property because property loss is not the same as putting an innocent life at risk. From that viewpoint, expanding legal justification could lower the bar for bringing a firearm into situations that might otherwise end without someone being shot.

    How would this play out when a 911 call comes in? Even with expanded legal protections, police and prosecutors still have to evaluate the same core issues they always do in a shooting investigation: what crime was occurring, what the shooter believed was happening, whether that belief was reasonable, and whether the force used matched the circumstances allowed by law. The bill may widen the category of incidents where a defense can be raised, but it doesn’t convert every property dispute into an automatic “good shoot.”

    That’s why the safest way to understand the change is this: it may give more people a legal argument after the fact, but it won’t eliminate investigation, scrutiny, or the possibility of arrest and prosecution when facts are unclear or contested. A defender’s statements, surveillance video, witness accounts, and physical evidence will still drive how the case is handled.

    Because the bill is still awaiting the governor’s signature, organizations such as the U.S. Concealed Carry Association say they are preparing to educate members on what the update means in practice. That education matters, because the gap between what people assume the law says and what law enforcement applies at the scene is often where legal trouble begins.

    One point remains true regardless of political side: Tennessee is not turning anyone’s home—or property—into a “free fire” zone. Using deadly force can still bring life-changing legal and financial consequences, even when criminal charges are not filed. If this bill becomes law, the smartest approach for gun owners is to learn the exact boundaries it creates, understand how those boundaries interact with existing self-defense standards, and recognize that every defensive shooting will be judged on the details.

  • Kentucky Lawmakers Override Governor’s Vetoes on Gun Industry Protections and Young Adult Gun Access

    Kentucky Lawmakers Override Governor’s Vetoes on Gun Industry Protections and Young Adult Gun Access

    Kentucky lawmakers are putting two gun-related bills into effect after overriding Gov. Andy Beshear’s vetoes, a move that immediately changes both the legal landscape for gun-industry businesses and the permitting process for some young adults.

    The Kentucky General Assembly voted April 14, 2026, to override vetoes of House Bill 78 and House Bill 312. With the overrides, the bills become law.

    HB 78: Liability protections take effect immediately
    HB 78 establishes state-level limits on certain civil lawsuits filed against firearm manufacturers, sellers, and trade associations. The law targets what it defines as “qualified civil liability actions” that attempt to hold gun businesses responsible for crimes committed by third parties using legally sold products.

    Supporters of the measure said the bill includes an emergency clause, meaning the liability protections take effect as soon as the override is certified. In practice, that can reduce immediate legal exposure for gun businesses by strengthening defenses against specific categories of claims tied to third-party criminal misuse.

    HB 312: Provisional concealed-carry licenses for ages 18–20
    HB 312 authorizes the Kentucky State Police to issue provisional concealed-carry licenses to adults ages 18 to 20 who meet the state’s requirements. The law aligns the eligibility of 18–20-year-olds with the permitting process used for standard licenses, including background checks and required training.

    For public safety and compliance, applicants and license holders should confirm current rules on where concealed carry is prohibited and follow all state and federal firearm laws. Federal law generally restricts federally licensed dealers from selling handguns to people under 21, which can affect how an 18–20-year-old may lawfully obtain a handgun.

    The governor vetoed both measures, citing safety concerns, but the legislature’s override votes made the bills law.